Events in recent weeks have led many observers to question the degree to which President Biden controls the various departments and agencies he (officially, at least) leads. If those concerns are correct, it would explain why the âBiden administrationâ has implemented so many questionable immigration policies âJoe Bidenâ has opposed in the past â as well as a few that clash with his own current policies.
âJoe Bidenâ vs. the âBiden Administrationâ. When I talk about âJoe Bidenâ, Iâm referring to the erstwhile senior senator from Delaware, former vice president, and serially unsuccessful presidential candidate.
Then-Sen. Biden was a person with whom I had a passing familiarity during my first stint on Capitol Hill, when I was working for the House Judiciary Committee and he was past chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and chairman (and then ranking member) of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Even by congressional standards, it was always tough to get a bead on his true principles. Not that there was anything wrong with that, particularly given that he was often considered by colleagues and staffers to be a âdealmakerâ, and itâs tough to cut deals when you are unduly hidebound.
That said, âJoe Bidenâ did stake out some clear positions on immigration.
Border Fence Construction. In a November 2006 profile, NBC News described him as âfavor[ing] tightening the U.S.-Mexico border with fencesâ. That was not an idle statement, as Biden at the time had just voted for, in his words â700 miles of fenceâ in the Secure Fence Act of 2006 (SFA).
But almost immediately after he was sworn in as president, one of the âBiden administrationâsâ first acts was to place a âpauseâ on border barrier construction. While Bidenâs DHS has intermittently plugged gaps along the Southwest border, his efforts have been so faint as to merit praise from the Mexican president for his inaction on border-wall construction.
Worksite Enforcement. In that 2006 NBC News profile, Biden also contended that U.S. employers who hire illegal immigrants needed to be âpunishedâ.
Despite that, his DHS secretary, the now-impeached Alejandro Mayorkas, issued a 2021 policy statement directing ICE to âcease mass worksite operationsâ, which my colleague Jon Feere explained has âgutted the ICE worksite enforcement effortâ.
As a former prosecutor I can assure you that you canât âpunishâ anyone for crimes you donât investigate.
âNo Great Nation Can Be in a Position Where They Canât Control Their Bordersâ. Then, there were Sen. Bidenâs August 2007 statements at a presidential campaign stop in Iowa, where he laid out a series of âtruismsâ about immigration and the border.
The first was: âIt makes sense that no great nation can be in a position where they canât control their bordersâ.
Objectively, however, the border under President Biden is more out of control than it has ever been, and as a federal judge concluded in a March 2023 order, âthe crisis at the border is … largely of their own makingâ, referring to DHS officials appointed by the president, due to their âlenient detention policiesâ.
Perhaps a more wizened Joe Biden has concluded the United States is no longer a great nation, and thus no longer needs control of its borders. Few voters seem to share either of those assessments, however.
Jobs For American Workers First. âJoe Bidenâ circa 2007 next stated: âThe second truism is that this nation is such that people in the country should have the first opportunity to be able to have jobs that pay well and have jobs that are decent and that after that, the second crack goes to what we may need from other parts of the world or any other input.â
Contrast that âtruismâ with the official policies of the âBiden administrationâ.
As of the end of March, according to my calculations, Bidenâs DHS had paroled in more than two million foreign nationals, none of whom had proper documents or any right to be here, but all of whom â thanks to the administrationâs largesse â are now in a position to apply for work authorization and have the first crack at âdecentâ and âwell-payingâ jobs.
In fact, during those 2007 remarks in Iowa, âJoe Bidenâ claimed it was âour conservative business friendsâ who want to bring in workers on âwork permits that will take away jobs of Americans right nowâ, decrying âthe allowance of a significant increase â several hundred thousand people a year â to take regular jobs, particularly in the construction industryâ.
I have no doubt Bidenâs âconservative business friendsâ are still slavering for as much cheap migrant labor as they can get, but itâs somewhat ironic that itâs the âBiden administrationâ thatâs shoveling it into their gaping maws.
Unaccompanied Alien Children. Perhaps the most shocking disconnect between âJoe Bidenâ and the âBiden administrationâ, however, has to do with the unaccompanied alien children (UACs) taken into custody by his Border Patrol and then released by his Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to âsponsorsâ in the United States.
Hereâs how then-Vice President Biden described the perils facing those children during official remarks in Guatemala in June 2014:
The United States, to state the obvious, is greatly concerned by the startling number of unaccompanied minors that â children and teenagers who are making a very perilous journey through Central America to reach the United States. These are some of the most vulnerable migrants that ever attempt â and many from around the world attempt â to come to the United States. Theyâre among the most vulnerable. And the majority of these individuals rely â we estimate between 75 and 80 percent â rely on very dangerous, not-nice, human-smuggling networks that transport them through Central America and Mexico to the United States.
These smugglers â and everyone should know it, and not turn a blind eye to it â these smugglers routinely engage in physical and sexual abuse, and extortion of these innocent, young women and men by and large. [Emphasis added.]
Youâd assume the man who spoke those words would â as soon as he took office â quickly take action to plug the glaring loopholes in federal law encouraging those children (or more precisely their parents and guardians), to hire the criminals and rapists bringing them illicitly to the United States.
But youâd be wrong.
In fact, the only concrete action the âBiden administrationâ has taken to address UACs â aside, perhaps, from prosecuting a few unlucky smugglers itâs managed to catch â is to speed the process by which HHS releases those âinnocent young women and menâ into the United States, encouraging more parents and guardians to pay more criminals and rapists to take more âchildren and teenagersâ on that âvery perilous journeyâ to the Southwest border.
The HHS Office of Inspector General (OIG) â the departmentâs watchdog â now cranks out reports identifying vulnerabilities in the sponsor vetting and UAC release processes under Biden, with titles like âGaps in Sponsor Screening and Followup Raise Safety Concerns for Unaccompanied Childrenâ (February 2024), âThe Office of Refugee Resettlement Needs To Improve Its Oversight Related to the Placement and Transfer of Unaccompanied Childrenâ (May 2023), and âThe Office of Refugee Resettlement Needs To Improve Its Practices for Background Checks During Influxesâ (also May 2023).
âPresident Biden … Exploded in Rageâ. Thereâs ample evidence to suggest âPresident Joe Bidenâ isnât pleased with many immigration policies that are being carried out in his administrationâs name.
For example, a February article in Axios claimed âPresident Biden sat at the head of his conference tableâ on Air Force One âand exploded with furyâ while en route to a Southwest border trip in January 2023 after the president demanded what were described as âobscure immigration data pointsâ that his staff didnât have.
He could have called me. Few immigration data points are âobscureâ, because thereâs no way to quantify policies without data, and moreover, immigration data points are my stock in trade.
In any event, two other quotes in that article point to Bidenâs dissatisfaction with his administrationâs policies:
People in the meeting later told others in frustration that his winding process and irritability were making it more difficult to reach decisions about the border.
…
The rolling chaos along the border has grown to the point that Biden now is embracing immigration policies he ran against in 2020 â such as restricting asylum laws and suggesting he’ll “shut down” the border â as the crisis threatens his re-election.
Weâve subsequently seen the policies â the misnamed âasylum banâ and the âparole in placeâ amnesty â the administration ended up âembracingâ, but is the former simply a watered-down version of what the commander in chief had envisioned, or was it exactly what he wanted, or was he told that it would do what he desired it to do? Thereâs no way to know â even if he could tell us.
That Axios article isnât the first describing Bidenâs ârageâ over immigration and the border. An April 2022 New York Times article described internecine immigration policy battles that were waged among his White House advisors, beginning with the administrationâs handling of a wave of UACs at the border:
He had been in office only two months and there was already a crisis at the southwest border. Thousands of migrant children were jammed into unsanitary Border Patrol stations. Republicans were accusing Mr. Biden of flinging open the borders. And his aides were blaming one another.
Facing his bickering staff in the Oval Office that day in late March 2021, Mr. Biden grew so angry at their attempts to duck responsibility that he erupted.
Who do I need to fire, he demanded, to fix this?
His anger apparently never triggered a change in UAC policy, and it doesnât appear anyone was fired, either (the Times notes a number found job opportunities elsewhere, however).
That article highlights the role Bidenâs then-chief of staff, Ron Klain, played in mediating those fights while at the same time pushing back on those seeking to further limit enforcement.
According to the Times, Klain gathered âsenior aidesâ (including former Obama U.N. ambassador turned Biden domestic policy advisor, Susan Rice) in the summer of 2021 to tell them:
they needed to make sure the administration was not pandering to people who wanted an immediate end to Trump-era border restrictions, according to two people familiar with his comments.
If they did not find a way to deter soaring illegal crossings at the southwest border, he said, accusations about border chaos would grow worse, anger moderate voters and potentially sink the party during the 2022 midterms.
Mr. Klain was channeling his boss, who had complained to top aides about the intensifying attacks from Republicans characterizing him as an open-borders president, according to a person familiar with Mr. Bidenâs comments.
But the source of the presidentâs frustration was as much from inside his administration as it was from outside. As border crossings increased, disagreements erupted over how quickly to dismantle Mr. Trumpâs anti-immigrant policies and what to replace them with. [Emphasis added.]
As a practical matter, it really doesnât matter whether Bidenâs interest in halting illegal entries was born of political considerations or heartfelt concern, so long as it became actual policy.
The problem, of course, is that nothing came of Klainâs or Bidenâs complaints. Nearly all of Trumpâs successful border policies were quickly scrapped by the âBiden administrationâ, and as a consequence Border Patrol agents set a yearly record for migrant apprehensions at the Southwest border in FY 2022.
The âIron Fistâ at the White House vs. âCommittee Ruleâ. Klain resigned as chief of staff in January 2023, so any moderating influence he may have had on what the Times describes as âthe former immigration advocates in the West Wingâ is gone. Which raises the question: Whoâs currently ignoring the presidentâs ârageâ and implementing the âBiden administrationâsâ feckless immigration policies?
Months ago, I talked to a reporter who intimated that there is no âBiden administrationâ per se âjust a disconnected group of self-interested department and agency heads implementing their own policies, unmoored from any direction by the White House, let alone from âJoe Bidenâ.
That sounded ridiculous, until January when it was revealed that Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin had been hospitalized for several days â during which he wasnât actually running the department â without anybody in the White House having any idea.
Having served in the executive branch, the thought that a cabinet secretary â and not like the head of HUD but the leader of a department with two million servicemembers under arms, stationed all around the world â could simply go MIA without anybody noticing was unfathomable.
Usually, the SecDef has daily contact with the White House chief of staff, whose main role is overseeing the day-to-day operations of the executive branch. But when I realized that I had no idea who replaced Klain, I really got concerned.
So I googled and it turns out the WH CoS is âa wealthy former management consultantâ (and former Obama official) âwith little political experienceâ named âJeff Zientsâ.
A glowing profile in Axios notes that Zients âis a firm believer in delegating authorityâ, and as a result, the âWhite Houseâ is now âgoverned more by committee and process than Klain’s iron fistâ. Given the chief of staff is the presidentâs âiron fistâ in dealing with his underlings, that only convinced me more.
âUniting for Ukraineâ and TPS vs. DoDâs âUnflinchingâ Fight Against Russian Aggression. I looked for immigration programs that didnât align or worse, worked at cross purposes, with other policies in different departments and agencies and quickly found one: âUniting for Ukraineâ (U4U).
U4U is a âBiden administrationâ program that, as USCIS explains, âprovides a pathway for Ukrainian citizens and their immediate family members who are outside the United States to come to the United States and stay temporarily in a 2-year period of paroleâ.
All Ukrainian nationals are eligible for U4U parole, including military-aged men, which is a problem given that in its war against Russia, Ukraine is facing a troop shortage that the countryâs president just last month warned is âsapping moraleâ.
In response, Ukraine lowered the draft age from 27 to 25 in April, and implemented a mobilization law requiring all men aged 18 to 60 to register with the military (and carry their registration documents) to facilitate recruitment.
Still, the Washington Post reported in June that the staffing shortfall has gotten so bad that the country âhas embraced one of Russiaâs most cynical tactics: releasing convicted â even violent â felons who agree to fight in high-risk assault brigadesâ.
DHS has been paroling Ukrainians into the United States under U4U even while SecDef Austin has fought (successfully) for tens of billions of dollars in military aid for the country. As the secretary explained in announcing a $6 billion aid package in April, ââThis coalition stands together and we will not falter, we will not flinch, and we will not failâ to stave off Russian aggressionâ.
Stirring words, but one could reasonably ask why Congress is paying tens of billions of dollars to satisfy DoDâs Ukrainian military aid requests while DHSâs U4U program is providing haven to the would-be soldiers needed to use the weapons systems that money is funding.
This would be like the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration pushing its âLend-Leaseâ military-aid package for Britian during World War II while simultaneously creating a âUniting for the UKâ plan to parole military-aged Britons into the United States so they could wait out the war safely here.
In June, the U.S. embassy in Kyiv announced the country âeliminated a âresidence abroadâ exceptionâ, which had previously allowed certain Ukrainian males in that 18-to-60 age range to leave the country, but the New York Times has reported that Ukrainian draft dodgers are crossing illegally into Romania and other neighboring countries to avoid conscription.
The paper quoted Lt. Vladyslav Tonkoshtan, a Ukrainian border guard who stated: âWe cannot judge these people. … But if all men leave, who will defend Ukraine?â
Who, indeed. DHS hasnât said much about the 187,000 Ukrainians who had arrived here under U4U as of the end of March (a figure that doesnât include 350,000 others who have arrived since the Russian invasion of that country according to CBS News), so thereâs no way to know how many U4U beneficiaries are military-aged men, and how many of them left Ukraine illegally.
Given that DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has designated Ukraine for Temporary Protected Status (TPS), which allows all nationals of the country who were here as of August 16, 2023, to apply to remain here through at least next April, none of those half-million-plus Ukrainians will be leaving unless they commit some (really serious) crimes or decide to go on their own.
What We Know â and What We Wonât Know for a While. So, is there a âBiden administrationâ per se? Thereâll be no way to know until White House insiders write their âtell-allâ books. But what I do know is that the current executive branch has implemented numerous immigration and border policies that âJoe Bidenâ would have opposed in the past â and that directly conflict with other, significant administration priorities.